標題: 漢語比較式條件句的句法和語意之研究
The Syntax and Semantics of Chinese Comparative Conditional
作者: 劉辰生
LIU CHEN-SHENG
交通大學外國語文學系
公開日期: 2004
摘要: 本研究的目的在探討漢語比較式條件句(越。X。越。Y 結構)的句法和語意特性,特別 是與該結構相關的動貌特性(aspectual properties)。首先,我們將指出關聯副詞越有 如下的句法特色:(A)該結構中的每一個子句都帶有一個不具語音形式的非完成體動貌 標記(covert imperfective aspect marker),在句法上關聯副詞越必須受到此一動貌 標記的認可(licensing),(B)越可被視為一個約束程度變項(degree variable)且以所 處主要/從屬子句為語意範疇的運符(operator)。這兩項特性的交互運作解釋了第一個 越不能c-command 第二個(及其後的)越的現象。其次,我們認為漢語比較式條件句有 如下的語意特色:(A)雖然它是一種條件句,但不是比例式條件句(proportional condition);而且不允許反事實解(counterfactual reading),(B)句中的每一個子句 在語意上都帶有副詞性(普遍)量化(adverb of (universal) quantification)的現象, 被量化的對象是一個由兩個情境變項(situation variable)所組成的配對(pair),這兩 個情境變項在語意上間接導引出比較(comparison)的概念來;句中的從屬子句在語意上 可被理解為restrictive domain 而nuclear domain 則由主要子句來提供,(C)在語意 上,關聯副詞越表示一個由下列三者所構成的關係:一個由兩個情境變項所組成的配 對、不具語音形式的比較詞語(既隱性的比較詞語更)、和一個聯繫情境變項和程度之 間的關係,(D)句中的隱性非完成體動貌標記具有以不包含端點的事件/等級間歇 (interval)為觀點(viewpoint)來對一個事件/等級進行陳述的能力;換言之,漢語比較 式條件句中,每個子句所表達的量都會有沿著不包含端點的事件/等級間歇(interval) 遞增的現象。我們認為這些語意特性的互動關係可被用來解釋漢語比較式條件句所顯現 出來的動貌特性。此外,本研究進一步的支持了Sapir(1944)和McNally and Kennedy(1997)的看法:程度性(gradability)不是形容詞所特有的屬性,其他詞類,如 動詞、副詞、名詞、甚至介詞也都具有程度性。
This project studies the syntax and semantics of the Chinese comparative conditional (henceforth the Chinese CC), especially its aspectual properties. First, we shall show that the correlative adverb yue 『more』 has the following syntactic characteristics: (A) The correlative adverb yue occurs as an adverb that must be licensed by the covert imperfective aspect marker ASPy, and (B) it functions as a λ–operator for the degree variable, taking the clause in which occurs as scope at LF. These syntactic properties cooperate to explain why the first yue cannot c-command the second and the latter ones (if there are). Second, we shall show that the Chinese CC has the following semantic properties: (A) The Chinese CC neither allows the counterfactual reading nor involves any functional dependence between the difference degree in the antecedent clause and that in the consequent clause. (B) The Chinese CC involves universal quantification over pairs (one in each clause), and the subordinate clause enters into the restriction, similarly to the if-clause in conditionals, while the nuclear scope is provided by the matrix clause (cf. von Fintel (1994)). Furthermore, parts of the pair are situation variables, and the two variables in each clause further induce two items (i.e., two descriptions of degrees) to be compared. (C) The correlative adverb yue denotes a relation between a pair of situation variables, the implicit comparative morpheme geng 『more』 and a relation between situation variables and degrees (cf. Beck (1997, 248)). (D) The Chinese CC involves a covert imperfective aspect marker (i.e., the aspect marker ASPy) that plays as a viewpoint. This viewpoint presents the situation denoted by each of the clause involved (or the scale denoted by the predicate of each clause involved) form the 「interval」 (or 「sub-scale」) (I)…ti///tj…(F) that does not include any information of its endpoints (or poles). Over this 「interval」 or 「sub-scale」, there is a positively gradual change with an ongoing input of energy. These semantic characteristics of Chinese CC work in concert towards explaining the aspectual properties shown by the Chinese CC. Consequently, our analysis has the following theoretical and empirical implications: Gradability is a property not just of adjectives, but of nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions as well (cf. Sapir (1944) and Kennedy and McNally (2002)).
官方說明文件#: NSC93-2411-H009-014
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/11536/91222
https://www.grb.gov.tw/search/planDetail?id=993962&docId=186137
顯示於類別:研究計畫


文件中的檔案:

  1. 932411H009014.pdf